Keynote Address by Dato' Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Prime
Minister of Malaysia in Delhi, India on 21 December 2004.
 
It gives me great privilege to stand before you and say a few
words here today in one of India's great central universities.
It is an honour indeed to be conferred this Degree of Doctor of
Letters (Honoris Causa). I would like to record my appreciation
to Jamia Millia Islamia for giving me the distinction of
addressing all of you this afternoon.
 
I stand before you as a person of various roles. I am a Muslim
and a leader who governs a multiethnic and multireligious
nation. Malaysia is peaceful and growing rapidly, and by the
grace of Allah, its people of many different ethnicities and
faith live in harmony, joined by mutual respect and
understanding. We see strength in our diversity and enjoy the
unity of an extraordinary nation that has succeeded in
developing itself in a relatively short history since gaining
independence.
 
I speak also as the chairperson of the Organisation of Islamic
Conference, or OIC, a group which gives voice to 57 Muslim
majority nations. As chairperson, I have the responsibility of
expressing their grievances and their aspirations, and to
reflect their sentiment.
 
It is in these two capacities that I speak today on the subject
of Islam and in particular, on the state of affairs of my faith
and Malaysia's own experience of the reality of Islam and
Muslims in our own context, as well as that of an ever-changing
world, fraught with challenges and developments that reverberate
even here in India.
 
The sheer weight of the problems facing the Muslim world today
is tremendous. Many Muslim countries are synonymous with poverty
and illiteracy; some stand out because of oppression and
injustice. Muslims do not have a global common voice that is
taken seriously. The UNDP's Arab Human Development Report for
2003, which covers a region synonymous with Islam, noted that
Arab societies continue to face the critical problems of
widening gaps in freedom, the status of women, and knowledge.
Islam's emphasis on the pursuit of knowledge especially, evident
to all who have read the pages of the Quran, is poorly reflected
in many Muslim societies where standards in education are
dismal.
 
Corruption is another major problem in the Muslim world. We fare
extremely poorly in transparency international's corruption
perception index. Of the 145 countries surveyed in 2004, Muslim
countries barely made the top 30. More than half of the last 10
rankings are occupied by Muslim countries.
 
While Muslims cannot just point to others for the state of their
societies today, exacerbating these grim conditions is a harsh
reality of a global order that continue to oppress, obliterate
and vilify millions of Muslims worldwide.
 
Many instances of oppression are common knowledge. The issue of
Palestine and the plight of its people - denied the right to
land, sovereignty and self-governance - remains unresolved. Also
dominating the headlines is Iraq - a country unilaterally
invaded, where the climate of fear created by a doctrine of
pre-emption and predominance, is proving to be as oppressive as
the cruel dictatorship by which Saddam Hussein once ruled.
 
Islam and Muslims continue to be portrayed as 'violent',
'extreme' and 'intolerant'. The post-September 11 world has
perpetuated a negative Islamic stereotype, well-documented and
now clear for all to see. The current perception of Islam
continues to be fed by hidden assumptions and distortions of
fact that premise even the most 'neutral' coverage of Muslims
and events around them. I quote - there also seems to have been
a strange revival of canonical, though previously discredited,
orientalist ideas about Muslim, generally non-white, people -
ideas which have achieved a startling prominence at a time when
racial or religious misrepresentations of every other cultural
group are no longer circulated with such impunity. Malicious
generalisations about Islam have become the last acceptable form
of denigration of foreign culture in the West - unquote. What
the late scholar and political activist, Edward said once,
written nearly 10 years ago still holds true to this day.
 
To their credit, some Western leaders have repeatedly stressed
that 'this is not a war against Islam'. But this appears trivial
when popular sentiment is driven by a sensationalist Western
media that focuses almost exclusively on extremist discourse. As
diverse as the Christian world, this great monotheistic religion
is treated as a monolith, with few exceptions, despite clear
differences among Muslims throughout the globe. The nuances of
the debate within the Muslim world are totally ignored. The
breadth of different opinions among Muslims is unheard of. The
many progressive endeavours and experiments underway in Muslim
societies go unreported. It is against this background that I
would like to share with you, a little of what is happening at
my home.
 
There are a few key areas in which the Muslim world needs to
prioritise. First is a commitment to good governance, which must
be demonstrated through best practices, righteous conduct and
moral leadership, accountability, justice and the rule of law.
Any Muslim leader assuming power in their country should be
reminded of the Quranic verse in Surah An Nisaa verse 58: which
means 'Allah doth command you to render back your trusts to
those to whom they are due; and when ye judge between man and
man, that ye judge with justice'.
 
Another key area and a considerable challenge, is the
encouragement of reform and renewal in Islamic thought. I have
always believed that by opening up the discursive space in the
Muslim world, we enrich our intellectual tradition and directly
challenge the extremist doctrines that have been linked to Islam
over the last few years. While we recognise that rituals are
important, that the written word of the Quran is sacred, we also
believe that as Muslims we must understand the spirit and
ultimate objectives of our religion.
 
In the past, and most regrettably some instances in present day,
Shariah has been subjected to socio-political influences
resulting in laws bearing the name of Islam, but in fact run
against the spirit and principles of the faith. The renewal of
Islamic thought must, I believe, be an ongoing process, ensuring
the universality of the message and guarding its pluralism and
diversity. It must not be allowed to be ossified or fossilised
by blind acceptance of traditional thought and opinion. Narrow,
literalist interests that invoke the name of God must not be
allowed to manipulate the faith and prevent Islam from being a
religion for all time, as intended by Allah SWT.
 
I have therefore repeatedly called for the relevance of
contemporary Ijtihad - that is, the effort made by a Muslim
jurist or scholar to deduce a law or opinion, not self-evident
from the sources of the Shariah. The problems that contemporary
Muslim societies are confronted with today are not the problems
of the 6th century, and the solutions we need today do not lie
with the notion of a Shariah purportedly final and complete 1400
years ago.
 
The notion that the Islamic concept of law is absolute and hence
immutable has resulted in intellectual inertia among some
scholars. Some have become little more than apologists for
Islam. We must remember that Islam was once the dominant
worldview because its scholars responded to scientific
discoveries and to contemporary challenges and modernisation.
Muhammad Iqbal, in his Reconstruction of Religious Thought in
Islam wrote: 'Since things have changed and the world of Islam
is today confronted and affected by new forces set free by
extraordinary development of human thought in all its
directions, I see no reason why the attitude of finality in the
legal schools should be maintained. The teaching of the Quran
that life is a process of progressive creation necessitates that
each generation, guided but unhampered by the work of its
predecessor, should be permitted to solve its own problems'.
 
As far as Malaysia is concerned, I humbly believe that there are
lessons to impart and perhaps a model to showcase of a fairly
successful, modern Muslim country. Muslims in Malaysia have
tried to walk the middle path - the path of moderation - and we
believe that we are enjoined to find success both in the
hereafter and in this world, giving equal emphasis to Fardu
Kifayah and Fardu'ain.
 
Over the past two decades, we have seen the rapid rise of
Islamist movements. While many are apolitical and focus more on
social activities, many others have become political and
participate in the legitimate political frameworks of their
respective countries; and they have become synonymous with, what
is referred to as, political Islam. They participate in
politics, yet they envision a goal which may be very different
from the political system and participatory democracy of a
plural society.
 
In my country, the opposition pan-Malaysia Islamic party,
popularly knows as PAS, has politicised religion to the extent
that it claims a monopoly on Islam. They canvass for votes by
telling villagers that they would be assured of heaven if they
vote for PAS. After the 1999 general elections - which saw the
biggest gains ever made by PAS - some in my party thought that
we had to become more Islamist than the opposition, even though
my party openly stands for an inclusive and progressive Islam.
This was, of course, a very dangerous game of one-upmanship.
While Malaysian political choices are to some extent influenced
by the issue of religiosity, what are actually more important to
the voters are the issues of good governance and broad-based
economic growth.
 
When I became Prime Minister last year, I embarked on some
modest reforms in order to address the grievances which led to
our erosion of support in 1999. I took a hard line on
corruption. I ordered an extensive reform programme for the
police force. I stressed on the need to have credible and
independent institutions of government, like the judiciary. I
embarked on balancing the budget and redirecting government
spending on needy socio-economic programmes. I pushed for a more
effective education system. I launched an initiative to develop
biotechnology and to modernise the agricultural sector so that
the rural areas - which are predominantly Muslim - would not be
left behind.
 
By the grace of Allah, the electorate responded. This year, my
party was returned with its biggest majority since independence.
We were able win back the state we lost in 1999. We have
demonstrated that we can roll back the Islamists, not by
engaging in a 'holier-than-thou' contest, but by addressing the
root causes of anger and frustration. I put it to you, ladies
and gentlemen, that the issues we addressed are similar to those
in many other Muslim countries. If you confront and deal with
these issues, you can prevail over Islamists in a democratic
contest.
 
It cannot be denied that Islam has become an increasingly
powerful imperative for Muslims to act today. In Malaysia, we
believe that this compulsion to act because of religion can be
directed towards good, towards progress and towards development.
We call this approach Islam Hadhari - literally 'Civilisational
Islam' - or an approach towards a progressive Islamic
civilisation. It is an approach that values substance over form.
It is an approach that seeks to make Muslims understand that
progress is enjoined by Islam. It is an approach that is
compatible with modernity and yet firmly rooted in the noble
values and injunctions of Islam.
 
Islam Hadhari is an approach that emphasises development,
consistent with the tenets of Islam, and focuses on enhancing
the quality of life. It aims to achieve this via the mastery of
knowledge; the development of the individual and the nation; the
implementation of a dynamic economic, trading and financial
system; and the pursuit of integrated and balanced development
to develop pious and capable people, with care for the
environment and protection of the weak and disadvantaged.
 
Islam Hadhari is not a new religion. It is not a new teaching
nor is it a new Mazhab or denomination. Islam Hadhari is an
effort to bring the Ummah back to basics, to return to the
primacy of values and principles, as prescribed in the Quran and
the Hadith that form the foundation of Islamic civilisation. It
posits 10 fundamental principles which Muslim countries must
demonstrate:
 
i.  First, faith and piety in Allah;
 
ii.  Second, a just and trustworthy government;
 
iii.  Third, a free and independent people;
 
iv.  Fourth, a vigorous pursuit and mastery of knowledge;
 
v.  Fifth, balanced and comprehensive economic development;
 
vi.  Sixth, a good quality of life for the people;
 
vii.  Seventh, protection of the rights of minority groups and
women;
 
viii.  Eighth, cultural and moral integrity;
 
ix.  Ninth, safeguarding natural resources and the environment;
and
 
x.  Tenth, strong defence capabilities.
 
It is in accordance with these principles that our laws and
policies have been and continue to be formulated and reviewed -
that is laws and policies that represent the best interests of
society (Maslaha). And it is through our consistent and
continuing record of improving governance for the people, and by
practising and observing a high commitment to public
accountability, that Malaysia offers a modest working model of
renewal, reform and the beginnings of a renaissance in the
Muslim world. I certainly do not wish to assume that our
experiences are a 'one-size fits all' prescription, and I am
well aware that different countries need different solutions to
their problems. But I do believe that Malaysia can offer
interesting insights into the building blocks of a progressive
and modern Muslim nation.
 
Malaysia's experience and our promotion of Islam Hadhari also
clearly demonstrate a progressive attitude towards relations
with non-Muslim minorities and between genders. Our approach
does not threaten the rights of non-Muslims. In fact, we
celebrate the diversity of our respective cultures and heritage.
Those of other faiths in Malaysia, although a minority, have
never been persecuted and there is no tolerance in my
administration for discrimination and prejudice against any
religious group. I am a Muslim, but I am also a leader of all
Malaysians - whatever their faith.
 
Similarly, we have tried to ensure that the rights of women are
protected and that they fulfil their potential without having to
face artificial barriers constructed in the name of Islam. We
know Islam to be just and fair, and that it honours the position
and rights of women. But there are clear instances of prejudices
being cloaked in religious teachings in the Muslim world, aimed
at passing off gender discrimination as the accepted norm. This
will simply not do. But beyond the issue of gender justice,
there are other compelling reasons to set the situation right.
Some of our best and brightest students are women. If society
does not allow them to fulfil their potential, then we will not
be getting the best people for the right positions. Again, I
have driven this objective as a key plank in the promotion of
Islam Hadhari.
 
In our efforts to ensure that Malaysia will continue to be a
platform for thriving Islamic thought, as well as remain to be
an ongoing testament to the truth that Islam embraces progress
and modernity, Malaysia will invite scholars of Islam from all
over the world to initiate the process of intellectual reform
and renewal. This will not be easy. We will face opposition by
those who believe that they - and only they - can participate in
religious discourse. It is for this reason that this effort must
not be exclusivist in nature. While I believe that progressive
or modernist thinkers must be given the space and opportunity to
propagate their views, it must be done within the context of a
dialogue within Islam involving those with more conservative or
literalist leanings.
 
Commentators in the West who have picked up on the nuances of
this debate in the Muslim world have categorised it as a
'battle' within Islam between the moderates and the
conservatives. I would rather fashion it as a dialogue. A battle
would only result in a zero-sum game. Instead, we must get
scholars who are trained in the traditions to interact with
scholars trained in the modern disciplines in an open
environment, in order to produce a lively and constructive
debate.
 
What is needed in the Muslim world is a meeting of minds in
order to expand the space for debate and discussion. When I was
invited to give a talk at the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies
in October, I offered Malaysia as the focal point for promoting
a more open and diverse Islamic discourse. I reiterate that
offer here today. Our universities will work together with
institutions around the world, and I welcome the Jamia Millia
Islamia to promote a critical dialogue that needs to take place
within the Muslim world. Whilst we continue to strive to find
common ground with people of other faiths, we must also open up
the discourse within the Ummah. It is my hope that this
initiative will find a network of similar experiments around the
world, so that its objective can be multiplied to as many
countries, reaching as many Muslims as possible.
 
I thank you once again for this great honour of being conferred
the Degree of Doctor of Letters (Honoris Causa) from your
distinguished university. I hope that the opportunity that we
have to exchange views today will lead to a sharper focus, to
greater clarity and to stronger determination for us to do our
part in changing the current circumstances of the Ummah.